Snapshot 1
Concerns, Precautions, and Impact on Voting Turnout
Concerns, Precautions, and Impact on Voting Turnout
How safe did voters expect to feel, what did they do to prepare, and did they turn out to vote?
In the lead-up to the 2024 election, most voters anticipated a safe experience at the polls. Yet, for many of our respondents fears of violence ran deeper, and this impacted how they planned to vote and whether they actually voted.
Dive into safety concerns and how they influenced voter behavior, from changing voting plans to taking precautionary measures—an added burden disproportionately shouldered by those already marginalized.
Explore what public officials—state legislators, law enforcement, election officials, and election workers—thought about the safety risks faced by various groups of voters.
In the lead-up to the 2024 election, most voters anticipated a safe experience at the polls. Yet, for many of our respondents fears of violence ran deeper, and this impacted how they planned to vote and whether they actually voted.
Dive into safety concerns and how they influenced voter behavior, from changing voting plans to taking precautionary measures—an added burden disproportionately shouldered by those already marginalized. Explore what public officials—state legislators, law enforcement, election officials, and election workers—thought about the safety risks faced by various groups of voters.
Perceived Safety
Most Voters Feel Safe–But Some Gaps Remain
Most voters across the country headed to the polls in 2024 feeling confident in their safety, including women and gender-nonconforming voters. Despite an increased climate of political hostility in the United States, the majority reported feeling mostly or completely safe casting their ballots—a reassuring sign that, for many, the democratic process remains secure.
Yet, beneath this surface, disparities persist. Women, gender-nonconforming individuals, and racially marginalized voters were more likely to carry heightened concerns about their safety. These concerns impacted if and how people from these marginalized groups actually turned out to vote.
Most voters across the country headed to the polls in 2024 feeling confident in their safety, including women and gender-nonconforming voters. Despite an increased climate of political hostility in the United States, the majority reported feeling mostly or completely safe casting their ballots—a reassuring sign that, for many, the democratic process remains secure.
Yet, beneath this surface, disparities persist. Women, gender-nonconforming individuals, and racially marginalized voters were more likely to carry heightened concerns about their safety. These concerns impacted if and how people from these marginalized groups actually turned out to vote.
77%
of voters felt safe leading up to the 2024 election.
of voters felt safe leading up to the 2024 election.
Americans’ perceptions of personal safety while voting, pre-election
View chart by
Completely or mostly safe
Neither
Completely or mostly unsafe
0%
25%
50%
75%
100%
Women
73%
21%
5%
Men
81%
15%
4%
Gender-nonconforming
70%
29%
1%
Explore safety perceptions in the
How do we define election-related violence and harassment?
In our focus groups, we defined “political violence” as “the use of violence, threats, intimidation, or harassment with the goal of preventing or discouraging others from exercising their full social or political rights, and/or advancing one’s own political aims.”
In our survey of state legislators, we defined “political violence” as “any threats, intimidation, harassment, or attacks intended to prevent or discourage others from exercising their political rights.”
In other surveys, we asked questions about five specific types of incidents, encompassing both physical violence and other forms of intimidation:
1
Being harassed, threatened, or intimidated verbally or in writing
2
Having personal or derogatory information published online
3
Having property destroyed or defaced
4
Being pushed, blocked, or hurt physically in a non-serious way
5
Being beaten up, attacked with a weapon, or otherwise seriously injured or killed
On this site, we refer to acts of violence as distinct from harassment, threats, and other behavior meant to intimidate voters or make them feel unsafe.
A Threatening Culture
For Many Voters, the Threat Goes Beyond the Ballot Box
I
feel
like
physically,
the
physical
aggression
is
the
most
harmful,
but
just
from
my
experience
personally,
I’ve
had
the
most
issues
with
just
verbal
— Black Democratic woman voterintimidation
I
also
think
that
as
far
as
to
women,
there’s
definitely,
it’s
ripe
this
season
for
harassing
women
because
there’s
a
lot
at
stake
for
women….
So,
I
do
think
that
anything
can
happen.
I
think
there’s
crazy
people
out
there.
I
do
think
that
if
Trump
doesn’t
win,
there’s
going
to
be
violence
for
— White Republican woman votersure.
At
the
voting
station
people
were
driving
monster
trucks,
revving
engines
with
gigantic
flags.
It’s
— White Democratic woman voterscary.
I’ve
experienced
harassment
on
social
media
where
people
say
things
like,
‘If
you
believe
this
you’re
a
moron
and
you
should
be
— White Democratic woman voterashamed.
Even when the physical act of voting remains largely safe, many voters—especially women, people of color, and gender-nonconforming individuals—feel threatened by the broader political climate of polarization, harassment, and online toxicity.
These feelings of unease extend beyond polling places. Many voters reported being unwilling to discuss their voting plans and choices publicly or on social media.
Even when the physical act of voting remains largely safe, many voters—especially women, people of color, and gender-nonconforming individuals—feel threatened by the broader political climate of polarization, harassment, and online toxicity.
These feelings of unease extend beyond polling places. Many voters reported being unwilling to discuss their voting plans and choices publicly or on social media.
Women were least willing to discuss their voting choices openly with others.
Women were least willing to discuss their voting choices openly with others.
Americans’ willingness to talk openly about voting plans and choices with each group, pre-election
Women
Men
Gender-nonconforming
Completely unwilling
1
2
3
4
Completely willing
5
Family and Friends
3.7
3.8
3.7
Neighbors and Coworkers
2.9
3.3
3.1
Social media
2.6
3.0
3.2
Others at polling place
2.4
2.7
2.4
Strangers
2.3
2.6
2.3
Explore willingness to discuss voting choices in the
Expectations of Violence
Anticipating Violence: A Silent Burden on Marginalized Voters
While most voters expected to be safe during the 2024 election, concerns and expectations about violence or harassment were shouldered by marginalized groups.
Women voters felt worse than men did when thinking about potential violence or harassment during the election—including being afraid, upset, sad, angry, intimidated, and disgusted. Voters of color had higher expectations of personally experiencing violence or harassment than white voters, and gender-nonconforming voters had higher expectations than either men or women.
In general, Americans were aware of the groups that shouldered more concerns and risk.
They correctly estimated that violence and threats during the voting process would be more of a problem for voters of color and gender-nonconforming voters, but overall not particularly high for any group.
State legislators, law enforcement, election officials, and election workers’ perceptions mirrored voters’ perceptions. They expected most voters to be safe, but anticipated marginalized groups to be more likely to encounter violence or harassment during the voting process.
While most voters expected to be safe during the 2024 election, concerns and expectations about violence or harassment were shouldered by marginalized groups.
Women voters felt worse than men did when thinking about potential violence or harassment during the election—including being afraid, upset, sad, angry, intimidated, and disgusted. Voters of color had higher expectations of personally experiencing violence or harassment than white voters, and gender-nonconforming voters had higher expectations than either men or women.
In general, Americans were aware of the groups that shouldered more concerns and risk. They correctly estimated that violence and threats during the voting process would be more of a problem for voters of color and gender-nonconforming voters, but overall not particularly high for any group.
State legislators, law enforcement, election officials, and election workers’ perceptions mirrored voters’ perceptions. They expected most voters to be safe, but anticipated marginalized groups to be more likely to encounter violence or harassment during the voting process.
Gender-nonconforming voters felt the most negatively about potentially experiencing violence while voting.
Gender-nonconforming voters felt the most negatively about potentially experiencing violence while voting.
Americans’ strength of negative emotions about potential election-related violence, pre-election
View chart by
Not at all
1
2
3
4
Extremely
5
Women
2.5
Men
2.3
Gender-nonconforming
2.8
Explore voter’s emotions about violence in the
Verbal harassment or threats were the most expected types of election violence by voters.
Verbal harassment or threats were the most expected types of election violence by voters.
Expected likelihood of voters experiencing each type of incident while voting, pre-election
Very unlikely
1
2
3
4
Very likely
5
Verbal harassment or threats
2.0
Personal info online
1.9
Property destroyed/damaged
1.9
Non-serious physical violence
1.9
Serious physical violence
1.7
Explore voter's expected experiences in the
Voters viewed gender-nonconforming and non-white voters as having the highest risk of violence.
Voters viewed gender-nonconforming and non-white voters as having the highest risk of violence.
Expectations that election-related violence would be a problem for each group, pre-election
Not a problem at all
1
2
3
4
Very serious problem
5
Women
2.0
Men
1.8
Gender-nonconforming
2.3
White
1.8
People of color
2.2
Democrats
2.1
Independents
1.8
Republicans
2.0
Explore perceptions of violence risk in the
Changes to Voting Plans and Turnout
Voting with Caution: How Safety Concerns Shape Voting Behavior
I
go
early,
or
late,
when
I
won’t
run
into
anybody
I
know,
and
there
won’t
be
any
conversation.
I
don’t
want
to
deal
with
the
emotional,
‘Who
did
you
vote
for?’
And
me
saying,
‘I
don’t
want
to
discuss
— Black Republican womanit.’
I
just
feel
more
comfortable
doing
mail-in
voting,
because
there
have
been
so
many
upticks
of
gun
violence
in
the
last
few
years.
And
even
being
in
a
state
where
it’s
highly
regulated,
the
thought
of
just
going
anywhere
with
large
crowds
where
there
could
be
any
political
tension
freaks
me
— White Independent womanout.
I
don’t
go
to
the
polls,
because
you
never
know
what
you
will
encounter
there.
It
seems
like
everybody
in
Arizona
has
a
gun….
We
vote
by
mail,
because
it’s
— White Independent womansafer.
I’m
worried
about
how
people
will
perceive
me.
I
feel
anxiety.
I
go
in
the
morning
because
there’s
no
one
around.
In
the
afternoon,
evening,
that’s
when
you’ll
get
people
trying
to
persuade
you.
I
keep
to
myself….
I
leave
as
efficiently
as
I
— White Gender-nonconforming Democratic votercan.
Concerns and expectations about violence or harassment while voting actively shape how some voters approach election day. Women, gender-nonconforming individuals, and voters of color often find themselves adjusting their voting behavior to feel safer at the polls. This reality places an added burden on communities that already face systemic barriers to participation.
The data reveals a clear connection: those who expect violence or feel more negatively about the voting environment are more likely to take safety precautions while voting and less likely to actually turn out and vote.
Even accounting for differences in turnout based on standard demographic variables, increased expectations of experiencing violence or harassment while voting still led to significantly lower voter turnout.
Differences in voter behavior based on education level (one of the strongest predictors of turnout) are only half as large as the differences based on expectations of violence or harassment. Generalizing from our model, roughly 6 million Americans may have decided not to vote in 2024 because of concerns about violence or harassment.
Concerns and expectations about violence or harassment while voting actively shape how some voters approach election day. Women, gender-nonconforming individuals, and voters of color often find themselves adjusting their voting behavior to feel safer at the polls. This reality places an added burden on communities that already face systemic barriers to participation.
The data reveals a clear connection: those who expect violence or feel more negatively about the voting environment are more likely to take safety precautions while voting and less likely to actually turn out and vote. Even accounting for differences in turnout based on standard demographic variables, increased expectations of experiencing violence or harassment while voting still led to significantly lower voter turnout.
Differences in voter behavior based on education level (one of the strongest predictors of turnout) are only half as large as the differences based on expectations of violence or harassment. Generalizing from our model, roughly 6 million Americans may have decided not to vote in 2024 because of concerns about violence or harassment.
Each step up on the scale of expectations of violence showed an average of 6% fewer people voting.
Each step up on the scale of expectations of violence showed an average of 6% fewer people voting.
Share of Americans who turned out to vote based on pre-election expectations of election-related violence
Voted
Did not vote
0%
25%
50%
75%
100%
Those who felt violence was very likely
61%
39%
Those who felt violence was somewhat likely
74%
26%
Those who felt violence was neither likely nor unlikely
71%
29%
Those who felt violence was somewhat unlikely
80%
20%
Those who felt violence was very unlikely
85%
15%
Explore survey respondents' turnout in the
Voters who expected violence were more likely to plan to take safety precautions.
Voters who expected violence were more likely to plan to take safety precautions.
Share of Americans intending to take safety precautions based on expectations of election-related violence, pre-election
Likely
Neutral
Unlikely
0%
25%
50%
75%
100%
Those expecting violence
44%
40%
16%
Those who felt neutral
27%
53%
19%
Those not expecting violence
16%
31%
54%
Explore safety measures in the
The most commonly-planned safety precautions included not bringing children to vote, avoiding interacting with others at polling places, and going with others to vote.
The most commonly-planned safety precautions included not bringing children to vote, avoiding interacting with others at polling places, and going with others to vote.
Americans’ intentions to take each safety precaution, pre-election
Very unlikely
1
2
3
4
Very likely
5
Not interacting
2.7
Voting with others
2.5
Not bringing children
2.8
Dressing differently
2.0
Voting by mail
2.3
Voting at a specific time
2.4
Not voting
1.8
Explore safety measures in the
Data Playground
Explore the Data Around Voter Expectations, Fears, and Precautions
View mode
0%
25%
50%
75%
100%
Completely unsafe
2%
Mostly unsafe
3%
Neither safe nor unsafe
19%
Mostly safe
34%
Completely safe
43%
See what marginalized voters actually experienced during the election in